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Libya and the Big Lie: Using Human Rights Organizations to Launch Wars

Posted by Admin on September 30, 2011

by Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya
Global Research, September 29, 2011
– 2011-09-24

The war against Libya is built on fraud. The United Nations Security Council passed two resolutions against Libya on the basis of unproven claims, specifically that Colonel Muammar Qaddafi was killing his own people in Benghazi and Libya. The claim in its exact form was that Qaddafi had ordered Libyan forces to kill 6,000 people in Benghazi as well as in other parts of the country. These claims were widely disseminated, but always vaguely explained. It was on the basis of this claim that Libya was referred to the U.N. Security Council at U.N Headquarters in New York City and kicked out of the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva.

False claims about African mercenary armies in Libya and about jet attacks on civilians were also used in a broad media campaign against Libya. These two claims have been sidelined and have become more and more murky. The massacre claims, however, were used in a legal, diplomatic, and military framework to justify NATO’s war on Libya.

Using Human Rights as a Pretext for War: The LLHR and its Unproven Claims

One of the main sources for the claim that Qaddafi was killing his own people is the Libyan League for Human Rights (LLHR). The LLHR was actually pivotal to getting the U.N. involved through its specific claims in Geneva. On February 21, 2011 the LLHR got the 70 other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to sent letters to the President Obama, E.U. High Representative Catherine Ashton., and the U.N. Secretary-General Ban-ki Moon demanding international action against Libya invoking the “Responsibility to Protect” doctrine. Only 25 members of this coalition actually assert that they are human rights groups.

The letter is as follows:

We, the undersigned non-governmental, human rights, and humanitarian organizations, urge you to mobilize the United Nations and the international community and take immediate action to halt the mass atrocities now being perpetrated by the Libyan government against its own people. The inexcusable silence cannot continue.

As you know, in the past several days, Colonel Moammar Gadhafi’s forces are estimated to have deliberately killed hundreds of peaceful protesters and innocent bystanders across the country. In the city of Benghazi alone, one doctor reported seeing at least 200 dead bodies. Witnesses report that a mixture of special commandos, foreign mercenaries and regime loyalists have attacked demonstrators with knives, assault rifles and heavy-caliber weapons.

Snipers are shooting peaceful protesters. Artillery and helicopter gunships have been used against crowds of demonstrators. Thugs armed with hammers and swords attacked families in their homes. Hospital officials report numerous victims shot in the head and chest, and one struck on the head by an anti-aircraft missile. Tanks are reported to be on the streets and crushing innocent bystanders. Witnesses report that mercenaries are shooting indiscriminately from helicopters and from the top of roofs. Women and children were seen jumping off Giuliana Bridge in Benghazi to escape. Many of them were killed by the impact of hitting the water, while others were drowned. The Libyan regime is seeking to hide all of these crimes by shutting off contact with the outside world. Foreign journalists have been refused entry. Internet and phone lines have been cut or disrupted.

There is no question here about intent. The government media has published open threats, promising that demonstrators would meet a “violent and thunderous response.”

Accordingly, the government of Libya is committing gross and systematic violations of the right to life as guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Citizens seeking to exercise their rights to freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are being massacred by the government.

Moreover, the government of Libya is committing crimes against humanity, as defined by the Explanatory Memorandum to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The Libyan government’s mass killing of innocent civilians amount to particularly odious offences which constitute a serious attack on human dignity. As confirmed by numerous oral and video testimonies gathered by human rights organizations and news agencies, the Libyan government’s assault on its civilian population are not isolated or sporadic events. Rather, these actions constitute a widespread and systematic policy and practice of atrocities, intentionally committed, including murder, political persecution and other inhumane acts which reach the threshold of crimes against humanity.

Responsibility to Protect

Under the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, you have a clear and unambiguous responsibility to protect the people of Libya. The international community, through the United Nations, has the responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other peaceful means, in accordance with Chapters VI and VIII of the Charter, to help to protect the Libyan population. Because the Libyan national authorities are manifestly failing to protect their population from crimes against humanity, should peaceful means be inadequate, member states are obliged to take collective action, in a timely and decisive manner, through the Security Council, in accordance with the UN Charter, including Chapter VII.

In addition, we urge you to convene an emergency Special Session of the UN Human Rights Council, whose members have a duty, under UNGA Resolution 60/251, to address situations of gross and systematic violations of violations of human rights. The session should:

-Call for the General Assembly to suspend Libya’s Council membership, pursuant to Article 8 of Resolution 60/251, which applies to member states that commit gross and systematic violations of human rights.

-Strongly condemn, and demand an immediate end to, Libya’s massacre of its own citizens.

-Dispatch immediately an international mission of independent experts to collect relevant facts and document violations of international human rights law and crimes against humanity, in order to end the impunity of the Libyan government. The mission should include an independent medical investigation into the deaths, and an investigation of the unlawful interference by the Libyan government with the access to and treatment of wounded.

-Call on the UN High Commissioner of Human Rights and the Council’s relevant Special Procedures to closely monitor the situation and take action as needed.

-Call on the Council to remain seized of the matter and address the Libyan situation at its upcoming 16th regular session in March.

Member states and high officials of the United Nations have a responsibility to protect the people of Libya from what are preventable crimes. We urge you to use all available measures and levers to end atrocities throughout the country.

We urge you to send a clear message that, collectively, the international community, the Security Council and the Human Rights Council will not be bystanders to these mass atrocities. The credibility of the United Nations — and many innocent lives — are at stake. [1]

According to Physicians for Human Rights: “[This letter was] prepared under the guidance of Mohamed Eljahmi, the noted Libyan human rights defender and brother of dissident Fathi Eljahmi, asserts that the widespread atrocities committed by Libya against its own people amount to war crimes, requiring member states to take action through the Security Council under the responsibility to protect doctrine.” [2]

The letters signatories included Francis Fukuyama, United Nations Watch (which looks out for Israel’s interests and according to Israeli sources organized the entire session against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), B’nai B’rith Human Rights Commission, the Cuban Democratic Directorate, and a set of organizations at odds with the governments of Nicaragua, Cuba, Sudan, Russia, Venezuela, and Libya. Some of these organizations are viewed with hostility as organizations created to wage demonization campaigns against countries at odds with the U.S., Israel, and the European Union. Refer to the annex for the full list of signatories for consultation.

LLHR is tied to the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), which is based in France and has ties to the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). FIDH is active in many places in Africa and in activities involving the National Endowment for Democracy in the African continent. Both the FIDH and LLHR also released a joint communiqué on February 21, 2011. In the communiqué both organizations asked for the international community to “mobilize” and mention the International Criminal Court while also making a contradictory claiming that over 400 to 600 people had died since February 15, 2011. [3] This of course was about 5,500 short of the claim that 6,000 people were massacred in Benghazi. The joint letter also promoted the false view that 80% of Qaddafi’s support came from foreign mercenaries, which is something that over half a year of fighting proves as untrue.

According to the General-Secretary of the LLHR, Dr. Sliman Bouchuiguir, the claims about the massacres in Benghazi could not be validated by the LLHR when he was challenged for proof. When asked how a group of 70 non-governmental organizations in Geneva could support the LLHR’s claims on Geneva, Dr. Buchuiguir has answered that a network of close relationship was the basis. This is a mockery.

Speculation is neither evidence nor grounds for starting a war with a bombing campaign that has lasted about half a year and taken many innocent civilian lives, including children and the elderly. What is important to note here is that the U.N. Security Council decided to sanction the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya on the basis of this letter and the claims of the LLHR. Not once did the U.N. Security Council and the member states pushing for war once bother to even investigate the allegations. In one session in New York City, the Indian Ambassador to the U.N. actually pointed this out when his country abstained from voting. Thus, a so-called “humanitarian war” was launched without any evidence.

Global Research Editor’s Note: U.N. Watch which actively promoted the LLHR statement has informal ties to the U.S. State Department. It was established during the Clinton Administration in 1993 under the Chairmanship of Morris B. Abram, a former U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva. U.N. Watch is formally affiliated with the American Jewish Committee (AJC), a powerful pro-Israeli political lobby organization based in New York City.

The Secret Relationship between the LLHR and the Transitional Council

The claims of the Libyan League for Human Rights (LLHR) were coordinated with the formation of the Transitional Council. This becomes clear when the close and cagey relationship of the LLHR and the Transitional Council becomes apparent. Logically, the Obama Administration and NATO had to also be a part of this.

Whatever the Transitional Council is and whatever the intent of some of its supporters, it is clear that it is being used as a tool by the U.S. and others. Moreover, five members of the LLHR were or would become members of the Transitional Council almost immediately after the claims against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya were disseminated. According to Bouchuguir individuals with ties to the LLHR or who hold membership include Mahmoud Jibril and Ali Tarhouni.

Dr. Mahmoud Jibril is a Libyan regime figure brought into Libyan government circles by Saif Al-Islam Qaddafi. He would undemocratically be given the position of Transitional Council prime minister. His involvement with the LLHR raises some real questions about the organization.

The economist Ali Tarhouni on the other hand would become the minister for oil and finance for the Transitional Council. Tarhouni is Washington’s man in Libya. He was groomed in the United States and was present at all the major meetings about plans for regime change in Libya. As Minister of Oil and Finance the first acts he did were privatize and virtually handover Libya’s energy resources and economy to the foreign corporations and governments of the NATO-led coalition against Libya.

The General-Secretary of the LLHR, Sliman Bouchuiguir, has even privately admitted that many influential members of the Transitional Council are his friends. A real question of interests arises. Yet, the secret relationship between the LLHR and the Transitional Council is far more than a question of conflict of interest. It is a question of justice and manipulation.

Who is Sliman Bouchuiguir?

Sliman Bouchuguir is an unheard of figure for most, but he has authored a doctoral thesis that has been widely quoted and used in strategic circles in the United States. This thesis was published in 1979 as a book, The Use of Oil as a Political Weapon: A Case Study of the 1973 Arab Oil Embargo. The thesis is about the use of oil as an economic weapon by Arabs, but can easily be applied to the Russians, the Iranians, the Venezuelans, and others. It examines economic development and economic warfare and can also be applied to vast regions, including all of Africa.

Bouchuguir’s analytical thesis reflects an important line of thinking in Washington, as well as London and Tel Aviv. It is both the embodiment of a pre-existing mentality, which includes U.S. National Security Advisor George F. Kennan’s arguments for maintaining a position of disparity through a constant multi-faced war between the U.S. and its allies on one hand and the rest of the world on the other hand. The thesis can be drawn on for preventing the Arabs, or others, from becoming economic powers or threats. In strategic terms, rival economies are pinned as threats and as “weapons.” This has serious connotations.

Moreover, Bouchuiguir did his thesis at George Washington University under Bernard Reich. Reich is a political scientist and professor of international relations. He has worked and held positions at places like the U.S. Defense Intelligence College, the United States Air Force Special Operations School, the Marine Corps War College, and the Shiloah Center at Tel Aviv University. He has consulted on the Middle East for the Foreign Service Institute of the U.S. State Department and received grants such as the Defense Academic Research Support Program Research Grant and the German Marshal Fund Grant. Reich also was or is presently on the editorial boards of journals such as Israel Affairs (1994-present), Terrorism: An International Journal (1987-1994), and The New Middle East (1971-1973).

It is also clear that Reich is tied to Israeli interests. He has even written a book about the special relationship between the U.S and Israel. He has also been an advocate for a “New Middle East” which would be favourable to Israel. This includes careful consideration over North Africa. His work has also focused on the important strategic interface between the Soviet Union and the Middle East and also on Israeli policy in the continent of Africa.

It is clear why Bouchuiguir had his thesis supervised under Reich. On October 23, 1973, Reich gave a testimony at the U.S. Congress. The testimony has been named “The Impact of the October Middle East War” and is clearly tied to the 1973 oil embargo and Washington’s aim of pre-empting or managing any similar events in the future. It has to be asked, how much did Reich influence Bouchuiguir and if Bouchuiguir espouses the same strategic views as Reich?

The “New North Africa” and a “New Africa” – More than just a “New Middle East”

A “New Africa” is in the works, which will have its borders further drawn out in blood like in the past. The Obama Administration and its allies have opened the gateway for a new invasion of Africa. United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) opened the salvos of the war through Operation Odyssey Damn, before the war on Libya was transferred to NATO’s Operation Unified Protector.

The U.S. has used NATO to continue the occupation of post-Second World War Europe. It will now use AFRICOM to occupy Africa and create an African NATO. It is clear the U.S. wants an expanded military presence in Libya and Africa under the disguise of humanitarian aid missions and fighting terrorism – the same terrorism that it is fanning in Libya and Africa.

The way is being paved for intervention in Africa under the guise of fighting terrorism. General Carter Ham has stated: “If we were to launch a humanitarian operation, how do we do so effectively with air traffic control, airfield management, [and] those kind of activities?” [4] General Ham’s question is actually a sales pitch for fashioning African military partnerships and integration, as well as new bases that could include the use of more military drones against Libya and other African countries. The Washington Post and The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) have both made it clear that the Pentagon is actively trying to establish more drone bases in Africa and the Arabian Peninsula to expand its wars. [5] In this context, the AFRICOM Commander says that there are ties between the Al-Shabaab in Somalia, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb in North Africa, and the Boko Harem in Nigeria. [6]

The War in Libya is a Fraud

General Ham has said: “I remain confident that had the U.N. not made the decision, had the U.S. not taken the lead with great support, I’m absolutely convinced there are many, many people in Benghazi alive today who would not be [alive].” [7] This is not true and a far stretch from reality. The war has cost more lives than it could have ever saved. It has ruined a country and opened the door into Africa for a neo-colonial project.

The claims of the Libyan League for Human Rights (LLHR) were never supported or verified. The credibility of the United Nations must be questioned as well as the credibility of many humanitarian and human rights organizations that have virtually pushed for a war. At best the U.N. Security Council is an irresponsible body, but it has clearly acted outside of due legal process. This pattern now appears to be repeating itself against the Syrian Arab Republic as unverified claims are being made by individuals and organizations supported by foreign powers that care nothing for authentic democratic reforms or liberty.

Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya is a Sociologist and Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). He specializes on the Middle East and Central Asia. He was on the ground in Libya for over two months and was also a Special Correspondent for Flashpoints, which is a program based in Berkeley, California.


[1] United Nations Watch et al., “Urgent Appeal to Stop Atrocities in Libya: Sent by 70 NGOs to the US, EU, and UN,” February 21, 2011:


[2] Physicians for Human Rights, “PHR and Human Rights Groups Call for Immediate Action in Libya,” February 22, 2011:


[3] The International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the Libyan League for Human Rights (LLHR), “Massacres in Libya: The international community must urgently,” respond, February 21, 2011:


[4] Jim Garamone, “Africa Command Learns from Libya Operations,” American Forces Press Service, September 15, 2011:


[5] Gregory Miller and Craig Whitlock, “U.S. U.S. assembling secret drone bases in Africa, Arabian Peninsula, officials say,” The Washington Post, September 20, 2011; Julian E. Barnes, “U.S. Expands Drone Flights to Take Aim at East Africa,” The Wall Street Journal (WSJ), September 21, 2011.

[6] Garamone, “Africa Command Learns,” Op. cit.

[7] Ibid.


February 12, 2011 – Geneva, Switzerland

1. Hillel C. Neuer, United Nations Watch, Switzerland
2. Dr. Sliman Bouchuiguir, Libyan League for Human Rights, Switzerland
3. Mary Kay Stratis, Victims of Pan Am Flight 103, Inc., USA
4. Carl Gershman, President, The National Endowment for Democracy, USA
5. Yang Jianli, Initiatives for China, USA – Former prisoner of conscience and survivor of Tiananmen Square massacre
6. Yang Kuanxing, YIbao – Chinese writer, original signatory to Charter 08, the manifesto calling for political reform in China
7. Matteo Mecacci, MP, Nonviolent Radical Party, Italy
8. Frank Donaghue, Physicians for Human Rights, USA
9. Nazanin Afshin-Jam, Stop Child Executions, Canada
10. Bhawani Shanker Kusum, Gram Bharati Samiti, India
11. G. Jasper Cummeh, III, Actions for Genuine Democratic Alternatives, Liberia
12. Michel Monod, International Fellowship of Reconciliation, Switzerland
13. Esohe Aghatise, Associazione Iroko Onlus, Italy
14. Harris O. Schoenberg, UN Reform Advocates, USA
15. Myrna Lachenal, World Federation for Mental Health, Switzerland
16. Nguyên Lê Nhân Quyên, Vietnamese League for Human Rights, Switzerland
17. Sylvia G. Iriondo, Mothers and Women against Repression (M.A.R. Por Cuba), USA
18. David Littman, World Union for Progressive Judaism, Switzerland
19. Barrister Festus Okoye, Human Rights Monitor, Nigeria
20. Theodor Rathgeber, Forum Human Rights, Germany
21. Derik Uya Alfred, Kwoto Cultural Center, Juba – Southern Sudan
22. Carlos E Tinoco, Consorcio Desarrollo y Justicia, A.C., Venezuela
23. Abdurashid Abdulle Abikar, Center for Youth and Democracy, Somalia
24. Dr. Vanee Meisinger, Pan Pacific and South East Asia Women’s Association, Thailand
25. Simone Abel, René Cassin, United Kingdom
26. Dr. Francois Ullmann, Ingenieurs du Monde, Switzerland
27. Sr Catherine Waters, Catholic International Education Office, USA
28. Gibreil Hamid, Darfur Peace and Development Centre, Switzerland
29. Nino Sergi, INTERSOS – Humanitarian Aid Organization, Italy
30. Daniel Feng, Foundation for China in the 21st Century
31. Ann Buwalda, Executive Director, Jubilee Campaign, USA
32. Leo Igwe, Nigerian Humanist Movement, Nigeria
33. Chandika Gautam, Nepal International Consumers Union, Nepal
34. Zohra Yusuf, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Pakistan
35. Sekou Doumbia, Femmes & Droits Humains, Mali
36. Cyrille Rolande Bechon, Nouveaux Droits de l’Homme, Cameroon
37. Zainab Al-Suwaij, American Islamic Congress, USA
38. Valnora Edwin, Campaign for Good Governance, Sierra Leone
39. Patrick Mpedzisi, African Democracy Forum, South Africa
40. Phil ya Nangoloh, NamRights, Namibia
41. Jaime Vintimilla, Centro Sobre Derecho y Sociedad (CIDES), Ecuador
42. Tilder Kumichii Ndichia, Gender Empowerment and Development, Cameroon
43. Amina Bouayach, Moroccan Organisation for Human Rights, Morocco
44. Abdullahi Mohamoud Nur, CEPID-Horn Africa, Somalia
45. Delly Mawazo Sesete, Resarch Center on Environment, Democracy & Human Rights, DR Congo
46. Joseph Rahall, Green Scenery, Sierra Leone
47. Arnold Djuma, Solidarité pour la Promotion Sociale et la Paix, Rwanda
48. Panayote Dimitras, Greek Helsinki Monitor, Greece
49. Carlos E. Ponce, Latina American and Caribbean Network for Democracy, Venezuela
50. Fr. Paul Lansu, Pax Christi International, Belgium
51. Tharsika Pakeerathan, Swiss Council of Eelam Tamils, Switzerland
52. Ibrahima Niang, Commission des Droits Humains du Mouvement Citoyen, Senegal
53. Virginia Swain, Center for Global Community and World Law, USA
54. Dr Yael Danieli, International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies, USA
55. Savita Gokhale, Loksadhana, India
56. Hasan Dheeree, Biland Awdal Organization, Somalia
57. Pacifique Nininahazwe, Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile, Burundi
58. Derik Uya Alfred, Kwoto Cultural Center, Southern Sudan
59. Michel Golubnichy, International Association of Peace Foundations, Russia
60. Edward Ladu Terso, Multi Media Training Center, Sudan
61. Hafiz Mohammed, Justice Africa Sudan, Sudan
62. Sammy Eppel, B’nai B’rith Human Rights Commission, Venezuela
63. Jack Jeffery, International Humanist and Ethical Union, United Kingdom
64. Duy Hoang, Viet Tan, Vietnam
65. Promotion de la Democratie et Protection des Droits Humains, DR Congo
66. Radwan A. Masmoudi, Center for the Study of Islam & Democracy, USA
67. María José Zamora Solórzano, Movimiento por Nicaragua, Nicaragua
68. John Suarez, Cuban Democratic Directorate, USA
69. Mohamed Abdul Malek, Libya Watch, United Kingdom
70. Journalists Union of Russia, Russia
71. Sindi Medar-Gould, BAOBAB for Women’s Human Rights, Nigeria
72. Derik Uya Alfred, Kwoto Cultural Centre, Sudan
73. Sr. Anne Shaym, Presentation Sisters, Australia
74. Joseph Rahad, Green Scenery, Sierra Leone
75. Fahma Yusuf Essa, Women in Journalism Association, Somalia
76. Hayder Ibrahim Ali, Sudanese Studies Center, Sudan
77. Marcel Claude Kabongo, Good Governance and Human Rights NGO, DR Congo
78. Frank Weston, International Multiracial Shared Cultural Organization (IMSCO), USA
79. Fatima Alaoui, Maghrebin Forum for environment and development, Morocco
80. Ted Brooks, Committee for Peace and Development Advocacy, Liberia
81. Felly Fwamba, Cerveau Chrétien, DR Congo
82. Jane Rutledge, CIVICUS: World Alliance of Citizen Participation, South Africa
83. Ali AlAhmed, The Institute for Gulf Affairs, USA
84. Daniel Ozoukou, Martin Luther King Center for Peace and Social Justice, Cote d’Ivoire
85. Dan T. Saryee, Liberia Democratic Institute (LDI), Liberia

Dr. Frene Ginwala, former Speaker of the South African National Assembly
Philosopher Francis Fukuyama
Mohamed Eljahmi, Libyan human rights activist
Glenn P. Johnson, Jr., Treasurer, Victims of Pan Am Flight 103, Inc., father of Beth Ann Johnson, victim of Lockerbie bombing

Source: U.N. Watch (Refer to note 1)

Global Research Articles by Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya

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Always Someone’s Mother or Father, Always Someone’s Child: The Missing Persons of Iraq

Posted by Admin on December 19, 2010

Saturday 18 December 2010

by: Dirk Adriaensens, t r u t h o u t | News Analysi


Always Someone's Mother or Father, Always Someone's Child: The Missing Persons of Iraq

According to UN data, Iraq has the most disappeared persons in the world.

Editor’s Note: The following is an adaptation of a presentation Dirk Adriaensens gave at the 6th International Conference Against Disappearances, held in London December 9-12, 2010.

Forced disappearances and missing persons

A forced disappearance (or enforced disappearance) is defined in Article 2 of the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 20, 2006, as the arrest, detention, abduction, or any other form of deprivation of liberty by agents of the state or by persons or groups of persons acting with the authorization, support or acquiescence of the state, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or the concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person, which places such a person outside the protection of the law. Often, forced disappearance implies murder. The victim in such a case is first abducted, then illegally detained, and often tortured; the victim is then killed and the body is hidden. Typically, a murder will be surreptitious and the corpse disposed of in such a way as to prevent it ever being found, so that the person apparently vanishes. The party committing the murder can forever deny their actions, as there is no body to prove that the victim has actually died.[1]

Article 1 of the Convention further states that no exceptional circumstances whatsoever, including a state of war or a threat of war, internal political instability, or any other public emergency may be invoked as a justification for enforced disappearance.[2] Neither Iraq nor the US has signed or ratified this convention.[3] The United States refused to sign, saying that the text “did not meet our expectations,” without giving further explanation.[4] Once again, the United States placed itself outside the provisions of international humanitarian law.

According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which came into force on July 1, 2002, when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed at any civilian population, a “forced disappearance” qualifies as a crime against humanity, and thus is not subject to a statute of limitations.[5]

On August 3, 2010, the Human Rights Council Advisory took up the issue of the missing persons on request of the Human Rights Council.

For the final report, the drafting group came up with a definition. “Missing persons” are those whose families have no news of them and who are reported unaccounted for, on the basis of reliable information, as a result of an international or non-international armed conflict. Under both international humanitarian law and human rights law, states are obliged to take measures to prevent persons from going missing.[6]

Occupation, amnesty laws and reparations

During the ensuing discussion among Advisory members, experts raised many relevant questions. Advisory Committee Rapporteur Miguel D’Escoto Brockmann and international human rights lawyer Curtis Doebbler said they regretted the decision to limit the missing persons definition to situations of armed conflict and drew attention to a serious omission in the text even within its confines of armed conflict: The fact is that today, a great many disappearances are taking place in times of occupation, in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and, increasingly, in Honduras. Amnesty was also a tricky matter. It was argued that amnesty laws should be banned in order to put an end to violators of human rights establishing amnesty laws in their own favor. Moreover, there is a legitimate right to reparations, and there is also the matter of families’ right to information about their missing relatives, Miguel d’Escoto said.

Whatever definition may be given to “missing persons” or “enforced disappearances,” the problem in Iraq can be considered dramatic, even apocalyptic, by any standards. And since the US stated in 2007 that they were still involved in an “internationally armed conflict,” [7] Iraq’s missing persons and forced disappeared after the 2003 invasion are definitely the responsibility of those who started this war and are still de facto occupying the country: the USA, the UK, and, by extension, their installed Iraqi puppet government. They bear full responsibility for the situation of disappearances, extrajudicial killings and impunity they have created. Their militias and death squads have tortured, brutally assassinated, secretly buried and thrown thousands of bodies, many of them unidentifiable, into the streets and rivers.

More than one million missing persons in Iraq

Rough estimates indicate more than one million persons have disappeared in Iraq. According to UN data, the country has the most disappearances in the world, stemming from different periods and beginning during the Iran-Iraq War in 1980. Disappearances still occur on a very regular basis. The most important parties involved now are the Iraqi army, police, various militias, al-Qaeda and the American Army.[8]The ICRC’s Paul-Henri Arni said that Iraq, after three conflicts – a war with Iran in the 1980s, the first Gulf War in 1991 and the US-led operation in 2003 – was probably facing the highest number of missing people in the world.[9]

Iraq’s notorious secret prisons

US occupation forces’ policy of ambiguity and the growing phenomenon of secret US prisons in Iraq – which even international organizations have failed to locate – added to the large number of Iraq’s secret prisons (which one member of the current Iraqi parliament estimated to exceed 420) and have led to a large number of reported and unreported cases of forced disappearances.[10]

Hundreds of thousands of Iraqis have been subjected to abuse and torture in prisons and detention centers.[11] Tens of thousands of Iraqis disappeared during the worst days of this dirty war, between 2005 and 2007. Some were seen picked up and piled into lorries by uniformed militias; others simply seemed to vanish. Iraq’s minister of human rights, Wijdan Mikhail, said that her ministry had received more than 9,000 complaints in 2005 and 2006 alone from Iraqis who said a relative had disappeared. Human rights groups put the total number much higher. The fate of many missing Iraqis remains unknown. Many are languishing in one of Iraq’s notoriously secretive prisons.[12] In September 2010, Amnesty International released a report, “New Order, Same Abuses” mentioning that “several detainees have died in Iraqi custody due to torture or abuse by Iraqi interrogators and prison guards. It says that tens of thousands are being held without charges and that guards won’t confirm missing persons’ whereabouts to their relatives, which, for Iraqi families who’d lost loved ones, was one of the most devastating aspects of the US occupation.” [13]

Tens of thousands of Iraqis seek disappeared family members

Since the war in Iraq began in 2003, tens of thousands of people have been seeking disappeared family members. According to the Red Cross, between 2006 and June 2007, some 20,000 bodies – less than half of which have been identified – were deposited at the Medico-Legal Institute in Baghdad. Unclaimed bodies are buried in various cemeteries around the city.[14]

In addition, the Medico-Legal Institute (MLI) in Baghdad reported that it has been receiving an average of 800 bodies per month since 2003 and is unable to identify a significant proportion of these.[15]

On August 29, 2007, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) stated:

Not knowing the fate of family members missing as a result of war and violence during the occupation is a harsh reality for thousands of Iraqis. Mothers, fathers, wives, husbands, daughters, sons and their extended families are desperate to know the whereabouts or fate of their loved ones. Missing persons might have been captured, abducted, some perhaps killed and buried in unmarked graves, or they may lay in a hospital in critical condition or linger in a hidden place of detention. In the midst of conflicts, family members might be separated as they flee the combat zones looking for a safe haven. Sometimes they are never reunited. It is the responsibility of the authorities to ensure clarification of the fate of missing persons.[16]

Bodies not claimed for fear of reprisals

According to the bimonthly UN Human Rights Report of January 16, 2007,

The situation is notably grave in Baghdad where unidentified bodies killed execution-style are found in large number daily. Victims’ families are all too often reluctant to claim the bodies from the six Medico-Legal Institutes (MLIs) around the country for fear of reprisals. The deceaseds’ families are required to obtain permission from the police station which brought the body to the MLI, but many are too afraid and believe that police officers could be responsible for the disappearances and killings. … The Baghdad Medico-Legal Institute is reported transporting some 200 unidentified bodies every week to cemeteries in Najaf and Karbala which relatives do not claim out of fear of reprisals. In addition, there are reports of bodies that end up buried in mass graves and are not recorded at the morgues.[17][18]

“Relentless Sectarian Violence in Baghdad Stalks Its Victims Even at the Morgues,” The New York Times headlined on July 30, 2006. The morgues have become a source of danger, at least for Sunni Arabs. Shiite militias have been staking out Baghdad’s central morgue in particular, and the authorities have received dozens of reports of kidnappings and killings of Sunni Arabs there.[19] Even looking for missing relatives in hospitals is not safe.[20]

2003-2010: Are half a million Iraqis missing?

The problem of disappeared and missing persons in Iraq is treated with secrecy by the occupying forces and Iraqi authorities. The US and the Iraqi government give downplayed figures that are totally unreliable.

According to the Iraqi government, thousands of Iraqis are listed as missing since the American invasion seven years ago – although it acknowledges that its figures are probably only a small fraction of the actual number. Most of those who disappeared are believed to be dead, but even those whose bodies have been found are not always identified quickly. In May 2009, Dr. Munjid Salah al-Deen, the manager of Baghdad’s central morgue, told The New York Times that his staff was working to identify 28,000 bodies from 2006 to 2008 alone.[21]

In a March 20, 2008 report, the Iraqi Red Crescent (IRCS) said it had registered about 70,000 cases of missing persons in Iraq since just after the war started.[22] Even the IRCS is not immune from the anarchy that plagues Iraq: on December 17, 2006, 30 of its staff were kidnapped from one of its Baghdad offices; 13 of those disappeared are still missing.[23]

More than 82 percent of displaced people are women and children under the age of 12.[24] United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) surveys in 2009 stated that 20 percent of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and 5 percent of refugee returnees reported children missing.[25] This statistic can be attributed to general violence, including abductions and, possibly, armed recruitment, among other causes.[26]Iraq’s total internally displaced population as of November 2009 was estimated to be 2.76 million people, or 467,517 families.[27] If 20 percent of these families reported children to be missing, a simple calculation shows that more than 93,500 children of internally displaced families are missing. Moreover, 30 percent of IDPs, 30 percent of IDP returnees, and 27 percent of refugee returnees have indicated that they had family members missing because of kidnappings, abductions and detentions and that they did not know what happened to the disappeared.[28] A rough estimate would therefore bring the number of missing persons among the refugee population and the internally displaced after “shock and awe” to 260,000, most of them enforced disappearances. The UNHCR report of 2009 mentions that the majority (51 percent) of refugee returnees had fled due to generalized violence; other reasons included targeted threats or attacks (39 percent) and military operations (3 percent).

One out of five Iraqis is either a refugee or an IDP. [29] When extrapolating UNHCR figures to the remaining 80 percent of the Iraqi population, the total number of missing persons since “shock and awe” could be more than half a million.

Sheikh Muthana Harith Al-Dhari, head of the influential Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq (AMSI) mentioned in an Al-Jazeera interview a few months ago that about 800,000 Iraqis are missing since 2003. He said that AMSI has meticulously documented missing persons since 2003 and that he could prove this number with names and events.

Dirty war as a key strategy to subdue the Iraqi people

The killing orgy in Iraq is part of the US “dirty war” strategy described by Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker on December 15, 2003:

An American adviser said: “The only way we can win is to go unconventional. We’re going to have to play their game. Guerrilla versus guerrilla. Terrorism versus terrorism. We’ve got to scare the Iraqis into submission. … The proposed operation – called ‘preemptive manhunting’ by one Pentagon adviser – has the potential to turn into another [Vietnam] Phoenix Program … We do need a more unconventional response, but it’s going to be messy.[30]

“Messy.” Indeed. And not reported in the Western mainstream press.

Craig Murray, former British Ambassador to Uzbekistan, wrote in October of 2006:

The evidence that the US directly contributed to the creation of the current civil war in Iraq by its own secretive security strategy is compelling. Historically of course this is nothing new — divide and rule is a strategy for colonial powers that has stood the test of time. Indeed, it was used in the previous British occupation of Iraq around 85 years ago.[31]

In the same vein, Jonathan Azaziah writes:

When a US-backed, US-financed “Shia” organization murders a Sunni, it isn’t Shia killing Sunni; it isn’t sectarian violence, it is the US killing Sunni. When a US-backed, US-trained “Sunni” militia murders a Shia, it isn’t Sunni killing Shia; it isn’t sectarian violence, it is the US killing Shia. When an Israeli-armed, US-supported Kurdish security squad murders an Arab, it isn’t Kurd killing Arab; it isn’t killing based on ethnic hatred, it is the US killing Arabs. When US-backed, US-financed, Israeli-armed “Muslim” groups kill Christians, or “Christian” groups kill Muslims, it isn’t Muslims killing Christians or Christians killing Muslims; it isn’t sectarian violence, it is the US and Israel murdering Muslims and Christians. … And when the US-backed, US-financed “Shia” puppet government tortures and murders Sunni dissenters, it isn’t sectarian violence; it is US-sponsored state terrorism.[32]

There is truth in this assertion. The US/UK organized “preemptive manhunting” and used Israel and Iraqi proxy forces to brutalize, imprison, torture and kill millions of people. Millions more were expelled from their homes, internally displaced and driven into exile. The US, UK and Israel are not the only ones who carry out this policy of ethnic cleansing. There is also proof of Iranian involvement and cooperation with the occupying forces in death squad activities in Iraq.

Ban on releasing morgue data

Iraq says it has no central database to try to link the unidentified bodies that have been buried anonymously in the past few years with a list of names of the missing. There is also no record of victims of sectarian violence who have been buried informally in unmarked plots. Does Iraq really have no central database for the unidentified bodies? Or is the corrupt Iraqi Quisling government unwilling to give the real figures because they’re involved up to their necks in the so-called “sectarian killings”?

On September 7, 2006, The Washington Post reported that the issue of civilian casualties had been politically charged since the start of the Iraq war. Soon after the invasion, US and Iraqi officials forbade Baghdad’s medical officials to release morgue counts.[33]

Inter Press Service (IPS) was refused access to the central Baghdad morgue and was told that journalists are forbidden to report on the conditions inside, wrote Brian Conley and Isam Rashid in June of 2006. “The last manager for this morgue, Faik Bakr, received death threats because he said there were more than 7,000 Iraqis killed by death squads in recent months,” an employee told IPS. “Most of the dead arrived with their hands tied behind their backs.”[34]

On October 6, 2006, Global Security stated:

Partial statistics released by the Interior Ministry indicate as much as a 42 percent increase in the civilian death toll from August to September. According to the ministry, some 1,089 civilians died in September, compared to 769 in August and 1,065 in July. The number apparently does not include the unidentified bodies that pass through the Baghdad morgue in a given month. The morgue has reportedly been ordered to no longer release that data.[35]

The figures from the Baghdad morgue in that period as reported by news outlets such as ABC News were higher than the official number. June: 1595 bodies; July: 1595 bodies; August: 1535 bodies.[36]

The Iraqi government has issued instructions to all security and health offices to withhold body count numbers from the media. Dozens of bodies are found every day across Baghdad. “We are not authorized to issue any numbers, but I can tell you that we are still receiving human bodies every day; the men have no identity on them,” a doctor at the Baghdad morgue told IPS on February 19, 2008.[37] Between 50 and 180 bodies were dumped on Baghdad’s streets each day at the height of the killing, and many bore signs of torture, such as drill holes or cigarette burns.[38]

Political pressure to lower death toll

On August 10, 2006, Reuters mentioned that Iraq’s Health, Interior and Defense ministries consistently provided lower death toll figures than those released by the morgue.[39]

On March 19, 2008, The Guardian reported:

There is no shortage of estimates, but they vary enormously. The Iraqi ministry of health initially tried to keep a count based on morgue records, but then stopped releasing figures under pressure from the US-supported government in the Green Zone. The director of the Baghdad morgue, already under stress because of the mounting horror of his work, was threatened with death on the grounds that by publishing statistics he was causing embarrassment. The families of the bereaved wanted him to tell the truth, but like other professionals he came to the view that he had to flee Iraq. Dr Salih Mahdi Motlab al-Hasanawi, the health minister appointed after the ministry’s ban on releasing official morgue figures, said the survey was prompted by controversy over civilian casualties.[40]

A spokesman for the Iraqi Health Ministry said that the Ministry has required health officials in Baghdad not to receive any unidentified corpses and that unidentified corpses should only be received by the morgues institute.[41] An international official in Baghdad said Health Ministry officials had cited the higher toll before lowering it in response to what he said was political pressure. But the Health Ministry confirmed on September 7, 2006 that it planned to construct two new branch morgues in Baghdad and add doctors and refrigerator units to raise capacity to as many as 250 corpses a day. The morgue expansion plans show the dramatic surge in violence in Baghdad since the US invasion. In 2002, before US-led forces entered Iraq, the Baghdad morgue averaged 15 shooting victims a month, morgue officials have said. Most of the corpses taken to Baghdad’s morgue are unidentified and are held for long periods awaiting identification.[42]

Media professionals prevented from covering occupation crimes

The unwillingness to tackle the issue of missing persons and unidentified bodies parallels the lack of interest in keeping a serious body count. Many experts have said the civilian death count is an incomplete one. Richard Brennan, who has done mortality research in Congo and Kosovo, said it is likely a “gross underestimate” because many deaths go unrecorded in war zones. Iraq Body Count numbers are likely even more incomplete, given that many killings occurred in incidents journalists were unaware of or in inaccessible areas.[43] Media Lens mentioned that a study of deaths in Guatemala from 1960 to 1996 found that numbers of murders reported by the media actually decreased as violence increased, coinciding with the killing of journalists.[44] Media professionals in Iraq have been threatened and kidnapped, and 355 (of whom 325 were Iraqis) were assassinated, according to the BRussells Tribunal list; the figure surpasses the media death toll in any other war zone in history.[45] Western embedded journalists are allowed to report from safely inside the Green Zone and they often repeat His Master’s (Centcom) Voice. How can the full truth about the Iraqi death toll and ethnic cleansing be revealed in such impossible conditions?

Many casualties in areas outside Baghdad probably never appear in the official count, Anthony H. Cordesman, a military analyst at the Washington research group the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said in 2006. That helps explain why fatalities in Baghdad appear to account for such a large percentage of the total number, he said in a 2006 report.[46]

Reports on unidentified bodies

Dahr Jamail, one of the few unembedded journalists, reported on February 6, 2009 that in the al-Adhamiya area of Baghdad, what used to be a park was now a cemetery with more than 5,500 graves. The first body was buried there on May 21, 2006. “Most of the bodies buried here are never reported in the media,” Abu Ayad Nasir Walid, 45, manager of the cemetery, told Jamail. “Most of the dead were never logged by anyone,” a gravedigger named Ali said, “because we didn’t check death certificates, we just tried to get the bodies into the ground as quickly as possible. I log their names in my book, but we’ve never had anyone come from the government to ask how many people are here. Nobody in the media nor the Ministry of Health seems to be interested.”[47]

Such graveyards – and there are many – raise questions about the “official” number of enforced disappeared and missing persons in Iraq.

Robert Fisk had reported already on August 17, 2005 – half a year before the Samarra Golden Mosque bombing – that an estimated 1,100 bodies were received by the Baghdad mortuary in July: most of the victims had been executed, eviscerated, stabbed, bludgeoned, and tortured to death. According to Fisk, the body count figure was a secret. It constitutes a rise of 85 percent compared with figures for the same month before the US-led invasion. The latest figures showed a rising trend: in 2004 and 2003, the numbers in July were 800 and 700, respectively. By comparison, equivalent figures for 1997, 1998 and 1999 were all less than 200. “So many corpses are being brought to the mortuary that human remains are stacked on top of each other. Unidentified bodies must be buried within days for lack of space – but the municipality is so overwhelmed by the number of killings that it can no longer provide the vehicles and personnel to take the remains to cemeteries.”[48][49]

The ICRC reported on April 17, 2007 that in 2006, an estimated 100 civilians were killed every day. Half of them remained unclaimed or unidentified. Thousands of unidentified bodies have thus been buried in designated cemeteries in Iraq. Bodies were sent for burial every three or four days just to make room for the daily intake, sometimes making corpse identification impossible.[50] Meanwhile, tens of thousands of persons were being held in the custody of the Iraqi authorities and the multinational forces in Iraq. At the same time, tens of thousands of families remain without news of relatives who went missing during past and recent conflicts.[51]

There is a new job in Baghdad today. For a fee, certain people will scour dumps and riverbanks to find the body of a missing loved one. How long can people live with such violence and not be permanently scarred?[52]

Baghdad morgue figures

As violence in the Iraqi capital continued to rise in 2006, the task of tracking down missing people had become a grim ordeal. Iraq’s anemic investigative agencies have been ill-equipped to keep up with soaring crime, so for families seeking information, the morgues have often provided the only certainty.[53]

According to Baghdad’s central morgue Director Munjid al-Rezali, by April of 2009, at least 30,000 unidentified bodies had been delivered to Baghdad’s central morgue since sectarian violence surged in 2006, and only about a third had since been identified. “In 2006, there was an average of 3,000 bodies a month. … I call this a year of horror.” [54] The Baghdad morgue took in about 16,000 unidentified bodies – the bulk of them victims of death squads and other sectarian violence – in 2006 alone, a source at the morgue said in January 2007.[55] “Ninety percent of the bodies received in 2006 were unidentified, compared with 50 percent in 2007 and 15 percent in 2008,” said Dr. Munjid Salahuddin, the director of the Institute for Forensic Medicine, on October 25, 2009.[56]The United Nations, citing Health Ministry numbers, reported that 1,471 unidentified bodies were found in Baghdad in September 2006 and 1,782 in October 2006.[57]

The disappearing unidentified bodies of Wadi al-Salam cemetery in Najaf

There are clues available to aid counting the number of unidentified bodies, such as the number of people buried at the main Shiite cemetery in the holy city of Najaf. A large percentage of the people buried there remain unidentified. But even there, the remains are limited mostly to those of Shiites and include the those who died of natural as well as violent causes; therefore, they cannot be considered definitive. The director of the cemetery’s statistics office, Ammar al-Ithari, said the number of burials jumped from just over 32,000 in 2004 and 2005 to nearly 50,000 in 2006, and to 54,000 in 2007. It fell to nearly 40,000 last year as violence declined. There are no statistics from before the war because records were destroyed in the fighting.[58]

Middle East Online reported on September 9, 2007 that since the US-led invasion of Iraq began, as many as 40,000 unidentified corpses had been buried in Wadi al-Salam cemetery in Najaf, according to figures released by Ahmed Di’aibil, a Najaf government spokesperson. All corpses are numbered and photographed and the location of burial is noted. Figures are recorded in a register in the hope that families will eventually be able to identify the bodies. Thousands more bodies may have been hastily buried in the deserts surrounding Najaf.[59] Before the US invasion of Iraq, volunteers buried up to 40 people every month. In the occupation’s worst months, that figure increased 50-fold as they buried an average of more than 2,000 anonymous occupation victims every month, CNN journalist Michael Ware reported in September of 2007.[60] Already, wrote Fisk on September 17, 2003,: “In Baghdad, up to 70 corpses – of Iraqis killed by gunfire – are brought to the mortuaries each day. In Najaf, for example, the cemetery authorities record the arrival of the bodies of up to 20 victims of violence a day,”[61] a 15-fold increase compared to pre-war levels. And the situation gradually worsened from 2003 on.

When we take all these figures into account, a simple calculation suffices to conclude that probably 80,000 unidentified bodies have been buried in the cemetery of Najaf since March 2003.

AP reported on October 25, 2009 that according to cemetery officials, there was a new area in the Najaf cemetery “for the missing and unidentified, about 22,000 of them.” [62] So between 2007 and 2009, half of the unidentified bodies seem to have vanished. Can someone explain what happened to these disappeared bodies?

Random reports of unidentified bodies outside Baghdad

On July 17, 2007, the BBC quoted the head of the hospital’s forensics department in Kut on how unremitting the flow of bodies had become. “Up to now, we have received about 500 bodies. Most of them have been shot or tortured. They are in an advanced state of decomposition, so you can’t stand to be close to them for long.” It took them at least three days to float downstream from where they had been dumped in the river. Most of them remain unidentified.[63]

On February 8, 2008, Voices of Iraq reported that the number of the unidentified bodies that have been buried in Karbala alone since June 2006 reached 2043.[64]

The number of unidentified bodies that were buried from December 2006 to February 2007 in mass graves in Wassit province 180 kilometers southeast of Baghdad reached 177.[65]

An July 17, 2007 IPS report from Baquba quoted Nima Jima’a, a morgue official: “The morgue receives an average of four or five bodies every day. Many more are dropped in rivers and farms – or it is sometimes the case they are buried by their killers for other reasons. The number we record here is only a fraction of those killed.” The number of unidentified bodies is not mentioned. Families are often unable to identify and collect the bodies. It is still extremely dangerous to travel around the city. Also, most bodies are never brought to the morgue at all to be identified or counted.[66]

More than 280 persons from the city of Fallujah were reported missing in a November 11, 2005 report of the Iraqi Monitoring Network for Human Rights (MHRI). Their fate is still unknown. These persons are officially registered with names and photos at the local authorities in the city. It is further estimated that the total number of missing persons in Fallujah exceeds 500.[67]

Every town, every village in Iraq has a similar story to tell about enforced disappearances and missing persons. No reports are available from Mosul, Basra, Ramadi, Al Qaim, Haditha, and many other towns and villages where fighting and ethnic cleansing occurred.

US troop “surge” equals surge in missing persons, enforced disappearances and unidentified bodies

An August 2007 report from IraqSlogger revealed that the US presence in Baghdad during the surge had shown virtually no progress in stemming the gruesome sectarian death squads pervading the capital. Between June 18 and July 18, 2007, up to 592 unidentified bodies were found dumped in different parts of Baghdad.[68] Most of the bodies found by the police – an average of 20 a day – were bound blindfolded and shot execution style, victims of sectarian violence carried out by death squads. Many also bore signs of torture or mutilation. Despite official Iraqi and US statements to the contrary, the reports indicated that the number of unidentified bodies in the capital had risen again to pre-surge levels in May and June 2007.[69]

The number of unidentified corpses discovered in Baghdad soared more than 70 percent during May 2007 (compared to the first months of 2007), according to statistics from the Iraqi Ministry of Interior, despite the optimistic twaddle of the Bush administration and General Petraeus that the surge worked. The figures also showed a decline in the number of deaths of identifiable victims in Baghdad to 344 in May from 495 in April. While victims of car bombs, homemade bombs and mortar strikes can usually be identified, those who were kidnapped, tortured and executed are normally stripped of identification before their bodies are dumped.[70]

According to the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) Human Rights report for the period from January to June 2008, “Large numbers of unidentified bodies were found in Diyala, Nineveh, Anbar and Diwaniyah and mainly in Baghdad. Many of these bodies bore signs of torture, some were blind-folded and others were decapitated.”[71]

The Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, researching the situation in Iraq, reported on February 6, 2009 that the number of outstanding cases at the beginning of the period under review, December 1, 2007 through November 30, 2008, was 16,387.[72]

Disappearances at checkpoints

According to Mukhaled al-A’ani, a spokesman for local Iraqi nongovernmental organization (NGO) Human Rights Association (HRA), on June 6, 2007, the number of people who had disappeared after being arrested at checkpoints in the capital had increased significantly since February 2007. The Iraqi Ministry of Human Rights said it has looked into many cases of Iraqis gone missing after being stopped at checkpoints, but said “police officers have shown sufficient proof that they have not had anything to do with their disappearances.”[73] That assertion contradicts many eyewitness accounts, so it is perfectly understandable that the apparent lack of justice in Baghdad has led many of its residents to distrust authorities, whether they are army, police or government officials.[74]

The Ministry of Health: A very unhealthy institution

Minister of Health in 2006 Ali Al-Shimari, belonged to Moqtada Al-Sadr’s political movement while the latter’s military arm, the Mahdi Army, was acting inside hospitals with impunity. Sick and wounded patients were abducted from public hospitals and later killed. As a consequence, more and more Iraqis were avoiding hospitals. “The hospitals have become killing fields,” said Abu Nasr.[75] Al-Shimari fled the country as soon as charges of sectarian acts were brought against officials at the Ministry. Al-Shimari was granted political asylum in the US.[76] After the attack hit Samarra’s Askariya shrine, also known as the Golden Mosque, on February 22, 2006,[77] Al-Shimari and his deputy Hakim Al Zamili, a commander of the Mahdi army, turned the Ministry of Health into a torture and killing center. In September 2006, when the streets of Baghdad were swamped with thousands of brutally assassinated bodies, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki ordered the Ministry of Health not to release further figures about casualties to the United Nations, as it had previously.[78] On February 8, 2007, occupation forces raided the ministry and arrested Hakim Al Zamili. He was accused of allegedly funneling money to the militias. He used private ambulances and hospitals to carry out the killings. He was the key suspect in the kidnapping and (suspected) murder of his colleague, Ammar al-Saffar, who was also a deputy Health Minister.[79] After a two-day trial, marred by accusations of witness intimidation, the charges were dropped and Mr. Zamili was freed after spending more than a year in American custody.[80] According to Iraqi sources, Hakim Al-Zamili killed 160 persons, among them Dr. Raad Al Mahdawy, a Sunni and the general director of the health department in Diyala. Al-Zamili’s 2009 release was, according to some Iraqi witnesses, part of the deal for returning the bodies of five Britons who were held hostage for two years by an obscure militia known as “Islamic Shia Resistance in Iraq.” This group of Britons was seized while they were installing anti-corruption software in Baghdad’s Ministry of Finance by about 40 men “disguised” as Iraqi policemen in May 2007.[81] The Iraqi authorities acted as lead negotiator and broker for the deal.[82]

“The first thing Hakim Al-Zamili did after being released was killing Hassan Aziz, a judge who was involved in trying to convict Mr. Zamili. Now this criminal is a member of the Iraqi new parliament!” an anonymous Iraqi source testifies. Hakim Al-Zamili, recently elected to the Iraqi parliament from the Sadrist bloc, is now one of the strongest advocates for carrying out the death sentence on former Prime Minister Tariq Aziz.[83] This is today’s sad reality in Iraq’s “blossoming democracy.”

It is a crime to forcefully deport Iraqi refugees

As long as these criminals – guilty of the worst crimes under the watchful eye of the US occupier – are allowed to be involved in the political process, the counterinsurgency policy will continue, the summary executions will continue, the enforced disappearances will continue, regardless of what the Obama administration may assert. On October 19, 2010, a UNHCR poll of Iraqis who have returned to Baghdad from neighboring countries found that physical insecurity, economic hardship and a lack of basic public services has led the majority of returned refugees to regret their decision to return to Iraq. During the course of these interviews, returnees informed UNHCR staff of numerous instances of explosions, harassment, military operations and kidnapping occurring in their areas of return. Many of those interviewed stated that they were obliged to return to Iraq because they could no longer afford the high cost of living in asylum states.[84] On November 26, 2010, The New York Times reported:

A second exodus has begun here, of Iraqis who returned after fleeing the carnage of the height of the war, but now find that violence and the nation’s severe lack of jobs are pulling them away from home once again. … This new migration shows how far the nation remains from being stable and secure.[85]

In this context, it is a crime that many European countries forcefully deport Iraqi refugees from their countries of asylum back to Iraq.

Iraqi refugees suffering from extreme levels of trauma

According to UNHCR figures released on January 22, 2008, Iraqi refugees in Syria were suffering from extreme levels of trauma, far higher than among refugees from recent conflicts elsewhere. The figures revealed that 89.5 percent were suffering from depression, 81.6 percent from anxiety and 67.6 percent from post- traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).[86] One in five of those registered with UNHCR since January 2007 – more than 19,000 individuals – were registered as “victims of torture and/or violence” in Iraq. Seventy-seven percent of the Iraqi refugees reported being affected by air bombardments and shelling or rocket attacks. Eighty percent witnessed a shooting. Sixty-eight percent experienced interrogation or harassment by militias or other groups, including receiving death threats, while 16 percent had been tortured. Seventy-two percent were eyewitnesses to a car bombing and 75 percent knew someone who had been killed. The report highlighted the many forms of torture endured by Iraqi refugees, including beatings, electric shocks, objects being placed under fingernails, burns and rape.[87]


Conclusion 1: The simple calculations and projections that I just made, based on official reports and trustworthy sources, are more reliable than the twisted figures released by the US and the Iraqi puppet government. It should be pointed out that numbers represent people and that the refusal to reveal the real figure of disappeared and missing persons is a crime against humanity. These numbers represent an incomprehensible lack of respect for the human beings who were sent into oblivion because the Americans and their Iraqi stooges wanted it that way. It should also be remembered that the unidentified, the missing, the disappeared, or whatever you want to call them, are always someone’s father or mother, always someone’s child. Each of them had a face before it was dismembered, disfigured, treated with acid, drilled, burned, beaten, shot and thrown into the streets and anonymously buried with other unidentified corpses. Each once had a face that could see and hear, laugh and cry, talk and feel – before it was wiped out. Their deaths comprise no less than human life and dignity sacrificed on the altar of corporate profit and greed.

Conclusion 2: Rarely has an invading and occupying army solved the problems of a country. Occupation is the most extreme form of dictatorship. Occupation is plunder: stealing resources instead of paying for them. Occupation is assassinating people instead of saving human lives. Occupation is giving psychopaths the occasion and the means to kill with impunity. The examples of Yugoslavia during World War II,[88] as well as the dirty wars in Vietnam and in Central and Latin America should be eye-openers. Only the total withdrawal of all foreign troops from Iraqi soil can guarantee the start of a genuine democratic process. Only total withdrawal can make way for the start of a fair and thorough investigation into the forced disappearances and missing persons of Iraq. Only total withdrawal can put an end to the chaos that the US invasion has created.


Will the Human Rights Commission finally wake up and appoint a special rapporteur for the human rights situation in Iraq to thoroughly investigate one of the worst humanitarian crises on this planet?

Will there ever be WikiLeaks revelations about the “dirty war” in Iraq? Will we ever know the real numbers of forced disappeared persons in Iraq who were tortured and then killed by the notorious death squads and militias organized, funded, equipped, trained and deployed by trumpeters of “Human Rights” – the United States of America and the United Kingdom?

Will the UN ever call for a total withdrawal of all foreign troops from Iraqi soil and give real sovereignty back to the Iraqi people, to be represented by the Iraqi anti-occupation movement? Will the UN finally set up a commission working on reparations paid by the invading and occupying forces for losses caused during the illegal invasion and occupation of Iraq?


2.International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance on Wikipedia.



























































61. day-by-robert-fisk.pdf





























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